Archive
We are the 47%
A wee moment of silence for the Romney campaign: you gave your life for the sake of an honest national conversation about class warfare. Do not think you died in vain.
The Debt Resistors’ Operation Manual

A newer group grown out of Occupy called Strike Debt is making waves with their newly released Debt Resistors’ Operation Manual, available to read here with commentary from Naked Capitalism’s Yves Smith and available for download as a pdf here.
Their goal is compelling, and they state it in their manifesto on page 2:
We gave the banks the power to create money because they promised to use it to help us live healthier and more prosperous lives—not to turn us into frightened peons. They broke that promise. We are under no moral obligation to keep our promises to liars and thieves. In fact, we are morally obligated to find a way to stop this system rather than continuing to perpetuate it.
This collective act of resistance may be the only way of salvaging democracy because the campaign to plunge the world into debt is a calculated attack on the very possibility of democracy. It is an assault on our homes, our families, our communities and on the planet’s fragile ecosystems—all of which are being destroyed by endless production to pay back creditors who have done nothing to earn the wealth they demand we make for them.
To the financial establishment of the world, we have only one thing to say: We owe you nothing. To our friends, our families, our communities, to humanity and to the natural world that makes our lives possible, we owe you everything. Every dollar we take from a fraudulent subprime mortgage speculator, every dollar we withhold from the collection agency is a tiny piece of our own lives and freedom that we can give back to our communities, to those we love and we respect. These are acts of debt resistance, which come in many other forms as well: fighting for free education and healthcare, defending a foreclosed home, demanding higher wages and providing mutual aid.
Here’s what I love about this manual and this Occupy group:
- They position the current debt and money situation as a system that is changeable and that, if it isn’t working for the 99%, should be changed. Too often people assume that nothing can be done.
- They explain things about debt, credit scores, and legal rights in plain English.
- They give real advice to people with different kinds of problems. For example, here’s an excerpt for people battling a mistake in their credit report:

- They also give advice on: understanding your medical bills, disputing incorrect bills, negotiating with credit card companies, and fighting for universal health care.
- They give background on why there’s so much student debt and mortgage debt and what the consequences of default are or could be.
- They talk about odious municipal debt, and give some background on that seedy side of finance.
- They describe predatory services for the underbanked like check-cashing services and payday lenders – they also explain in detail how to default on payday loans.
- They explain pre-paid debit cards and their possibilities.
- They talk about debt collectors and what you need to know to deal with them.
- They explain the ways to declare bankruptcy and the consequences of bankruptcy.
They explicitly create solidarity with all kinds of debtors with this conclusion: 
The threat of large-scale debt resistance is a great idea for putting pressure on the creditors to at least negotiate reasonably, as they already negotiate when large companies want to. It basically levels the playing field that already exists, i.e. addresses the double standards we have with respect to debt when we compare corporations to people (see my posts here and here for example).
In spite of this potential power in debt resistance, I have historically had reservations about the idea of asking a bunch of people, especially young people, to default on their debt, because I’m concerned for them individually – the banks, debt collection agencies, and other creditors have all the power in this situation – see this New York Times article from this morning if you don’t believe that.
Here’s the thing though: this manual does an exceptional job of educating people about the actual consequences of default, so they can understand what their options are and what they’d be getting into if they join a resistance movement. It’s actual information, written for struggling people, the very people who need this advice.
Thank you, Strike Debt, we needed this. I’m going to try to make it tomorrow morning for the protest.
Occupy Wall Street is one year old
It’s an exciting weekend here in New York: Monday is the one-year anniversary of the occupation of Zuccotti Park. And even though I didn’t know about the original occupation for a few days, when FogOfWar gave his first account of it here on mathbabe, and even though the Alternative Banking group didn’t start until October 19th, it still makes me super proud to think about how much impact the overall movement has had in a year.
Mind you, there are a couple of very worrying things, especially about this weekend. For example, the NYPD ultimately used paramilitary force to clear Zuccotti and they seem to continue to be overbearing in their methods now: they are working with the Zuccotti Park management company in unconstitutional ways and they have all sorts of checkpoints set up for the weekend.
I think I know why Bloomberg and other mayors are afraid of us. We are the only thing balancing the current regime, both sides of which are entirely bought by the financial lobbyists. Some people I’ve talked to, including my son, think Occupy should form a political party. I can see some interesting reasons for and against; I’ll follow up with a post with them soon.
I don’t think it’s a silly idea, in any case. In this article entitled “How the Occupy movement may yet lead America”, author Reihan Salam says:
One year on, the encampments that had sprung up in Lower Manhattan and in cities, college campuses and foreclosed homes across the country have for the most part been abandoned. And so at least some observers are inclined to think, or to hope, that the Occupy movement has been of little consequence. That would be a mistake. Occupy’s enduring significance lies not in the fact that some small number of direct actions continue under its banner, or that activists have made plans to commemorate “S17” in a series of new protests. Rather, Occupy succeeded in expanding the boundaries of our political conversation, creating new possibilities for the American left.
As our slow-motion economic crisis grinds on, it is worth asking: How might these possibilities be realized? For some, Occupy was a liberating experience of collective effervescence and of being one with a crowd. As one friend put it, it was “the unspeakable joy of taking to the streets, taking spaces, exploring new relations and environments” that resonated most. For others, it created a new sense of cross-class solidarity. Jeremy Kessler, a legal historian who covered the Occupy movement for the leftist literary journal N + 1 and the New Republic, senses that it has already shaped the political consciousness of younger left-liberals. “There is more skepticism towards the elite liberal consensus,” and so, “for instance, there is more support for the Chicago teachers union and more wariness towards anti-union reformers.” Ideological battle lines have in this sense grown sharper. Yet it is still not clear where Occupy, and the left, will go next.
Hear, hear – well said, although I don’t think it’s necessarily “leftist” to want a system that’s not rigged. In any case, I consider it my job as an individual, and as a member of the Alternative Banking group, to add fuel to that fire of skepticism.
We need to know there’s a war going on, and it’s against us, and we’re losing. We are the 99%.
To that end, as I’ve announced before, we have created the 52 Shades of Greed card deck, which is fully funded and has a blurb in the New York Times‘s City Room.

Videos and a love note
A quick post today because I gotta get these kids off to their first day of school. WOOHOOO!!
- I just learned about this video which was made at the first DataKind datadive I went to (it was called Data Without Borders then). The datadive coverage is in the first 6 minutes. It’s timely because I’m doing it again this coming weekend with NYC Parks data. I hope I see you there!
- Next, please check out my friend and fellow occupier Katya’s two videos, which she produced herself: here and here. She has a gift, no?
- Finally, readers, thanks for all the awesome comments lately (and always). I really appreciate the feedback and the thought you’ve put into them, and I’ve been learning a lot. Plus I have a lot of books to read based on your suggestions.
52 Shades of Greed cards fundraiser now up: please help! (#OWS)
The 52 Shades of Greed card deck fundraiser has begun. It’s a joint project of Alternative Banking and a collection of 26 artists and illustrators (you can learn more about the team here).
We’re trying to raise $15,000 to pay for the printing costs and the art. If we raise more money we will try to hold an art show, with talks about the financial system by Alt Banking folk.
Here’s my favorite card, it’s Larry Summers, the king of hearts:

Note he’s a liquidity fairy (I blogged about that here). Or wait, maybe it’s Jamie Dimon, jack of clubs:

Please go to the fundraiser and donate now! You can get the cards as well as other goodies. Amazing!
Fair versus equal
In this multimedia presentation, Alan Honick explores the concept of fairness with archaeologist Brian Hayden. It’s entitled “The Evolution of Fairness”, and it’s published by Pacific Standard Magazine.
It’s a series of small writings and short videos which studies evidence of the emergence of inequality in the archaeological record of fishing at a place called Keatley Creek in British Columbia. While it isn’t the most convenient thing to go through, it’s worth the effort. Here are the highlights for me:
When the main concern of the people living at Keatley Creek was subsistence, their society was egalitarian – they shared everything and it wasn’t okay to hoard. Specifically, anyone found trying to game the system was ejected from society, which typically meant death.
As fishing technology improved, the average person could provide for themselves in normal times quite easily, and private ownership became acceptable and common. Those who game the system were no longer ejected, partly because the definitions were different.
At this point, Hayden suggests, people began to do things in small groups that seemed perfectly fair (“I’ll give you 20 fish loaves if you let me marry your daughter” or “Come to my feast tonight and invite me to your feast next week”) and moreover seemed like a private arrangement, until it became sufficiently widespread so that two things happened:
- The guys who didn’t have or couldn’t borrow 20 fish loaves couldn’t get married, or similarly the guys who couldn’t afford to serve a feast never entered into the feast-sharing ritual, and
- The truly rich guys would sometimes have a feast for everyone, which meant the poorer would “get something for nothing” and everyone would gain. Another way of saying this is that the poorer people would allow themselves to be coopted into the unequal system by the price of this free food. Those people who didn’t give feasts or cooperate with the free feasts were outcasts.
An interesting thing happened when Hayden goes to villages in the Mayan Highlands in Mexico and Guatemala which has similar size and social structure as the one on Keatley Creek (see the video on this page). He interviewed people about how the “rich” behaved in times of starvation. Did they take on a managerial role? Did they share and help out in bad times? This is referred to as “communitarian”.
Turns out, no, they exploited the people in the village in the hopes of having better status by the time things got better. They sold maize at exorbitant prices, took outrageous amounts of land for maize, etc. The driving force was individual self-interest.
The overall narrative describes the shifting definition of fairness as things became less and less equal, and how eventually the elite, who essentially got to define fairness, didn’t need to listen to the objections of the poor at all, because they had no power.
Sound familiar?
The author Alan Honick concludes by looking at our society and asks whether campaign finance laws, and Citizens United, is that different in effect from what we saw happening on Keatley Creek. He also points out that, because we humans are so individually obsessed with increasing our status, we can’t seem to get together to address really important issues such as global warming.
Stuff you might want to know about
I have a backlog of things to tell you about that I think are either awesome or scary but important:
- In the awesome category, my friend Anupam just started a new company that helps get volunteers get connected with animal shelters. It’s called BarkLoudly , and you can learn more about it here.
- Again in the awesome category, there’s been progress on seeing if scientific claims can be reproduced. This is for lab experiments, which I’d think would be harder than what I want to do for data models, but what do I know. It’s called The Reproducibility Initiative, run by the Science Exchange, and you can also read about it in this article from Slate.
- On the scary side, read this article by my friend Moe on the questionable constitutionality of student debt laws in this country, and this article on how hard it is to get rid of student debt even through the “undue hardship” route, which involves a “certainty of hopelessness” test. Outrageous.
- Also in the scary category, an argument against the new pill for HIV, written by an entertaining blogger.
Citigroup’s plutonomy memos
Maybe I’m the last person who’s hearing about the Citigroup “plutonomy memos”, but they’re blowning me away.
Wait, now that I look around, I see that Yves Smith at Naked Capitalism posted about this on October 15, 2009, almost three years ago, and called for people to protest the annual meetings of the American Bankers Association. Man, that’s awesome.
So yeah, I’m a bit late.
But just in case you didn’t hear about the plutonomy memos (h/t Nicholas Levis), which were featured on Michael Moore’s “Capitalism: a Love Story” as well, then you’ll have to read this post immediately and watch Bill Moyer’s clip at the end as well.
The basic story, if you’re still here, is that certain “global strategists” inside Citigroup drafted some advice about investing based on their observation that rich people have all the money and power. They even invented a new word for this, namely “plutonomy.” This excerpt from one of the three memos kind of sums it up:
We project that the plutonomies (the U.S., UK, and Canada) will likely see even more income inequality, disproportionately feeding off a further rise in the profit share in their economies, capitalist-friendly governments, more technology-driven productivity, and globalization… Since we think the plutonomy is here, is going to get stronger… It is a good time to switch out of stocks that sell to the masses and back to the plutonomy basket.
The lawyers for Citigroup keep trying to make people take down the memos, but they’re easy to find once you know to look for them. Just google it.
Nothing that surprising, economically speaking, except for maybe the fact that their reaction, far from being outrage, is something bordering on gleeful. But they aren’t totally complacent:
Low-end developed market labor might not have much economic power, but it does have equal voting power with the rich.
This equal voting power seems to be a pretty serious concern for their plans. They go on to say:
A third threat comes from the potential social backlash. To use Rawls-ian analysis, the invisible hand stops working. Perhaps one reason that societies allow plutonomy, is because enough of the electorate believe they have a chance of becoming a Pluto-participant. Why kill it off, if you can join it? In a sense this is the embodiment of the “American dream”. But if voters feel they cannot participate, they are more likely to divide up the wealth pie, rather than aspire to being truly rich.
Could the plutonomies die because the dream is dead, because enough of society does not believe they can participate? The answer is of course yes. But we suspect this is a threat more clearly felt during recessions, and periods of falling wealth, than when average citizens feel that they are better off. There are signs around the world that society is unhappy with plutonomy – judging by how tight electoral races are.
But as yet, there seems little political fight being born out on this battleground.
This explains to me why Occupy was treated the way it was by Bloomberg’s cops and the entrenched media like the New York Times (and nationally) – the idea that people are opting out and no longer believe they have a chance of being a Pluto-participant is essentially the most threatening thing they can think of. Interestingly, they also say this:
A related threat comes from the backlash to “Robber-barron” economies. The
population at large might still endorse the concept of plutonomy but feel they have lost out to unfair rules. In a sense, this backlash has been epitomized by the media coverage and actual prosecution of high-profile ex-CEOs who presided over financial misappropriation. This “backlash” seems to be something that comes with bull markets and their subsequent collapse. To this end, the cleaning up of business practice, by high-profile champions of fair play, might actually prolong plutonomy.
This is what Dodd-Frank has done, to some extent: a law that makes things seem like they’re getting better, or at least confuses people long enough so they lose their fighting spirit.
Finally, from the third memo:
➤ What could go wrong?
Beyond war, inflation, the end of the technology/productivity wave, and financial collapse, we think the most potent and short-term threat would be societies demanding a more ‘equitable’ share of wealth.
Note the perspective: what could go wrong. Lest we wonder who inititated class warfare.
#OWS update
I’m happy to show you that Alternative Banking now has a working blog, thanks to a newer member Nicholas Levis. He blogged recently about a Reality Sandwich event I went to last Wednesday, where David Graeber, author of Debt: the first 5000 years was speaking. Interesting and stimulating.
We also have a playing card project called “52 Shades of Greed” which is coming out soon. Check out some of the amazing art here.
Finally, we are about to launch a Kickstarter campaign for our “move your money” app, as soon as I figure out how to accept the money without doing something illegal. Please tell me if you have experience with such things!
More exciting things in the works which I can’t talk about yet. I’ll keep you updated.
Someone didn’t get the memo about regulatory capture
So there’s this guy named Benjamin Lawsky, and he’s the New York State Superintendent of Financial Services. Last week he blew open a case against a British bank named Standard Chartered for money laundering and doing business with Iran.
The other regulators don’t like his style one bit, even though he managed to force Standard Chartered to pay $340 million for their misdeeds, as well as look like bad guys. I’ll get back to why the other regulators are pissed but first a bit more on the settlement.
What’s not cool about a fine is that nobody goes to jail and they continue business as usual, hopefully without the money laundering (their stock has mostly recovered as well).
What is cool about the $340 million fine is that it took almost no time compared to other settlements with banks (a nine month investigation before the blowup last week) and that it’s actually pretty big – bigger, for example, then the proposed settlement SEC is making with Citigroup which judge Rackoff blocked for shorting their clients in 2008 and not admitting wrongdoing.
In this case of Standard Chartered, they may not be admitting wrongdoing but we’ve all already read the evidence, as well as the smoking gun email:
The business chugged along even after the banking unit’s chief executive in the Americas warned in a 2006 memo that the company and its management might be vulnerable to “catastrophic reputational damage” and “serious criminal liability.”
According to the regulatory order, a bank official in London replied: “You f- Americans. Who are you to tell us, the rest of the world, that we’re not going to deal with Iranians.”
[Aside: do you think, being a polite Brit, that this guy actually wrote “f-” in his email?]
Back to the other regulators. They are so used to working for the banks, it is inconceivable to them to publicize damning evidence before giving the heads up to the bank in question looking for a quiet settlement. That’s the way they do things. And then they never get much money, and nobody ever goes to jail. Oh, and it takes forever.
They argue that this is because they don’t have enough resources to go the distance with lawyers, but it’s also because their approach is so weak.
So naturally they’ve been pretty upset that Lawsky has balls when they don’t, especially since he doesn’t have nearly the resources that the SEC has.
My favorite ridiculous argument against Lawsky and his approach came from this article I read yesterday on Reuters. It stipulates that Lawsky is creating an environment where there’s a possibility of regulatory arbitrage. From the article:
But a central lesson of the financial crisis was the need for regulators to better cooperate and share information. Working at cross purposes creates opportunities for what’s known as “regulatory arbitrage,” whereby banks circumvent regulations by exploiting rivalries among their various overseers.
Um, what? That whole mindset is clearly off.
The goal would be the regulators get to decide who’s the bad guy, not the banks. And don’t tell me loopholes in the regulatory structure are introduced by having a regulator willing to do his job without sucking everybody’s dick first. Please.
And if I’m a regulator, and if it would work better to share my information with Lawsky to do my job as a regulator, you better believe I’m willing to share it with him if I can get credit alongside him for exposing illegal activities. That is, if I really want to expose illegal activities.
Bailout, the book
You know that feeling, where you feel like a conspiracy theorist because, even though you don’t have cold hard evidence for it, you have a distinct feeling that someone is trying to thwart you even though they claim to be your friend, or thwart an idea they claim to believe in, or even worse, thwart a principle they claim to stand by?
That’s how I was feeling about Tim Geithner, and frankly the entire Obama administration, until I read “Bailout,” the recently published tell-all book by Neil Barofsky, who was put in charge of detecting and preventing fraud related to TARP.
I recently blogged about how I consider this book a call to Occupy, but I had only read the excerpt from Bloomberg at that point. Now that I’ve read the book, it’s most definitely a call to Occupy, as well as to any group or individual who still has principles and enough energy up to summon outrage.
Going back to the feeling of being a conspiracy theorist.
Nothing in this book was really new to me or really surprised me, except the fact that Barofsky was willing to write it down in black and white. Thank goodness there are still a few people who still have principles, even inside Washington.
Everything there was something I’d pieced together either working in finance, where I lost faith in the Obama administration right away when it introduced HAMP, which was clearly set up to fail homeowners, or by meeting people in the Alternative Banking group of #OWS, specifically Yves Smith, who explained the technical details of the more recent mortgage settlement, and how it is a backdoor bailout to the banks. Yet another one!
Where was the corresponding bailout for the people? Why this doublespeak, where we’d talk about moral hazard for people who have been screwed by the predatory loan industry, but the moral hazard for AIG executives getting multi-million dollar bonuses after an $85 billion bailout is just something we have to swallow, out of deference to the sanctity of contract?
And if we care so much about contracts, why do we allow companies to enter bankruptcy just to jettison pension promises but we don’t allow individuals (who are not too-big-to-fail) to renegotiate crippling student debt loads?
I’m confused no longer. It was never Geithner’s intention, or Obama’s intention, to help out the people. It has always been their intention solely to prop up a failed banking system. What they’ve been doing, rather than saying, is much more consistent with this theory anyway. Lots of roundabout efforts to explain why they’d set up a mortgage modification system to help homeowners was completely ineffective; it’s because it was actually set up to slow down foreclosures in order to “foam the runway” for banks to get back into the black. That makes much more sense!
It actually restores my faith in the Obama administration a bit. Before this I was sometimes torn between thinking they were bought by the banks or they were utterly incompetent. But now I know they aren’t entirely incompetent in the follow-through with their goals: they actually did succeed in slavishly working for the banks in the name of helping out homeowners.
Thank you, Neil Barofsky, for a great book. Thank you for maintaining your justified anger and for being courageous enough, and enough of a dick, to write it.
Income distributions and misleading poll questions (#OWS)
Disingenuous, pseudo-quantitative arguments piss me off.
In this recent Bloomberg View article entitled “Making the rich poorer doesn’t enrich the middle class,” Caroline Baum argues that middle class people would rather get more money than take away money from rich people. From the article:
Polling by the Pew Research Center shows that people aren’t interested in taking money from the wealthy. They just want a chance to get rich themselves.
But that’s a misleading question. It seems like a zero sum game when you put it that way, equivalent to something like, “Would you rather gain $100 or have a rich person somewhere lose $100?”.
But if you pose the question differently, and more in line with actual numbers, not to mention contextualized to reality in other ways, then you’d probably get the opposite.
Let’s take a look at wealth distribution from 2007, which I got here:
Let’s just say we’re being extreme and we take away all the wealth of the top 1% and give it to everybody equally (say we even give back some of it to those top 1%). That would mean that 34.6% get flattened out to 100 pots instead of one, which means that each of those percentiles gets about 0.35% more than they used to have. The middle 20% would grow from 4% of the overall wealth to (4 + 20*0.35)% = 11%. That’s still a lot less than 20%, but the wealth of the middle 20% is still nearly tripled by just this one percent re-distributing.
Said another way, it’s not tit-for-tat at all.
If we asked someone in the middle class which they want more, a 1% increase in their wealth or a top 1%’er to lose 1% of their wealth, then that might be very different. Consider the political influence that 1% represents, at the very least. Consider the fact that 1% of that person in the middle 20% is 173 times smaller than for the top 1%.
It’s still not fair, though, because the middle class is so squeezed on necessities like food, housing, education, medical expenses, and child care, that they can’t afford even a 1% loss. What if you took those out?
If you go even further and ask someone in the middle class which they want more, a 1% increase in their discretionary income or a top 1%’er to lose 1% of their discretionary income, then that might be very different still. I haven’t been able to find a similar graphic to work with to see the discretionary income distribution, but rest assured it’s even more unbalanced.
Caroline Baum, would you care to cover those questions on your next poll to the middle class?
Why is LIBOR such a big deal? (#OWS)
The manipulation of LIBOR interest rates by the big, mostly-European banks (but not entirely, see a full list here) was an open secret inside finance in 2008. As in so open that I didn’t think of it as a secret at all.
The fact that that manipulation is now consistently creating huge headlines is interesting to me – it brings up a few issues.
- People seem surprised this out-and-out manipulation was happening. That says to me that they clearly still don’t understand what the culture of finance is really like. The fact that Bob Diamond of Barclays claims to have felt “physically ill” when he saw the emails of the traders manipulating LIBOR is either an out-and-out lie or they guy is simple-minded, as in stupid. And word on the street is he’s not stupid.
- People still buy the line that most of the problems from the credit crisis arose from legal but wrong-headed efforts to make money, plus corrupt ratings on mortgage-backed securities. This is incredible to me. Let’s get it clear: the culture of finance is to take advantage of every opportunity to juice your bottom line, even if it’s wrong, even if it’s fraudulent, even if it affects the terms of loans on millions of houses and towns in other countries, and even if only your trading desk is benefiting.
- The LIBOR manipulation in 2008 was about more than that, namely trying not to look as bad as other banks, to avoid being the next Lehman. It was done in the name of not looking weak and requiring a government bailout. Bob Diamond still doesn’t think they did anything wrong by lying there. It was almost like they were doing something noble.
- Speaking of towns in other countries, read this article about how LIBOR manipulation has screwed U.S. cities to the ground. I’ve got a lot more to say about municipal debt and how that sleazy system works but it’s waiting for another post.
- Finally, why did it take so long for the media to pick up on LIBOR manipulation? It tempts me to make a list of the illegal stuff that we all knew about back then and send it around just to make sure.
A call to Occupy: we should listen.
Yesterday a Bloomberg View article was published, written by Neil Barofsky.
In case you don’t remember, Barofsky was the special inspector general of the Troubled Asset Relief Program, which meant he was in charge of watching over TARP until he resigned in February 2011. And if you can judge a man by his enemies, then Barofsky is doing pretty well by being cussed out by Tim Geithner.
The Bloomberg View article was an excerpt from his new book, which comes out July 24th and which I’m going to have to find time to read, because this guy knows what’s going on and the politics behind possible change.
In the article, Barofsky tears through some of the most obvious and ridiculous shenanigans that the Obama administration and the Treasury have been up to in preserving the status quo whereby the banks get bailed out and the average person pays. In order, he obliterates:
- Obama’s HAMP project: “with fewer than 800,000 ongoing permanent modifications as of March 31, 2012, a number that is growing at the glacial pace of just 12,000 per month.”
- The recent mortgage settlement: “In return for what was touted as a $25 billion payout, the banks received broad immunity from future civil cases arising out of their widespread use of forged, fraudulent or completely fabricated documents to foreclose on homeowners.” and “As a result, the settlement will actually involve money flowing, once again, from taxpayers to the banks.”
- The recent so-called Task Force for investigating toxic mortgage practices: “it seems unlikely that an 11th-hour task force will result in a proliferation of handcuffs on culpable bankers.”
- The Dodd-Frank Bill: “…the market distortions that flow from the presumption of bailout may have gotten worse. By failing to alter this presumption, Dodd-Frank may have inadvertently sowed the seeds for the next financial crisis.”
- Specifically, the Volcker Rule, where he quotes a milquetoast Geithner: `“We’re going to look at all the concerns expressed by these rules,” he said. “It is my view that we have the capacity to address those concerns.”’ – Barofsky draws a line directly from Geithner to the conclusion of Senator Levin, `“Treasury are willing to weaken the law.”’ Barofsky here highlights out the most basic problem we face, namely that regulators are suckling from their Wall Street masters: “Indeed, words like Geithner’s, when accompanied by actions such as the Fed’s authorization of the largest banks to release capital, send what should be a clear message. We may be in danger of quickly returning to the pre-crisis status quo of inadequately capitalized banks that take outsized risks while being coddled by their over-accommodating regulators. A repeat of the financial crisis would soon be upon us.”
- Finally, he gets on my favorite riff about TARP, namely that it’s not about the money being paid back, it’s about the risk that we’ve taken on as a nation.
But what’s most interesting to me about the article is the fact that he’s not proposing a political solution to the unbelievably unbalanced distribution of resources. Probably this is because the political power is so firmly entrenched and because it is so firmly corrupt that there’s no use barking up that tree. Instead, he is asking for Occupy and other popular movements to step it up. The article ends:
The missteps by Treasury have produced a valuable byproduct: the widespread anger that may contain the only hope for meaningful reform. Americans should lose faith in their government. They should deplore the captured politicians and regulators who distributed tax dollars to the banks without insisting that they be accountable. The American people should be revolted by a financial system that rewards failure and protects those who drove it to the point of collapse and will undoubtedly do so again.
Only with this appropriate and justified rage can we hope for the type of reform that will one day break our system free from the corrupting grasp of the megabanks.
The question I have is, will we need yet another financial crisis to get this done? (Not that I think one is far off- the banning of short selling recently by Spain and Italy is a desperate move, kind of like throwing in the towel and admitting you’d rather openly manipulate markets than let people have honest opinions.)
I for one think we’ve got plenty of evidence right now, and I’m outraged. But maybe not everyone is, and I take responsibility for that.
I think my job now, as an Occupier, is to make sure people understand that these decisions and speeches made at the Treasury and the White House are directly related to people illegally losing their homes and jobs and town services and having their pensions rewritten after they’ve reached retirement age. I absolutely believe that, if people knew all of those connections, we’d have an enormous number of people ready to occupy and the political power to do something.
Who should be on the Fed Bank Boards? #OpenFed
Please consider this a civic duty: nominate someone for one of the Fed Bank Boards.
Why? Because:
- these guys regulate the banks,
- they also decide on and implement monetary policy (things like interest rates),
- in times of trouble they also help bail out banks (think Tim Geithner, Lehman, and Bear Stearns)
- the current process is an old boy’s network.
If you haven’t been living under a rock, you might have heard that Jamie Dimon, the CEO of JP Morgan Chase, sits on the NY Fed Board. There have been a number of calls for his resignation or removal. But as Jonathan Reiss points out in this excellent Huffington Post piece, even better than removing Jamie Dimon and leaving it at that would be to call for all of the Fed Boards to be populated with people who represent the interests of 99% rather than their own narrow business interests. From his article:
…rather than complaining about individual cases, we should fix the process that appointed Dimon and will appoint his successor and 35 other directors to 3-year terms starting January 2013. There are systemic problems with how the directors are selected. The Government Accountability Office studied the bank boards and found they were neither diverse nor representative of the public despite a mandate requiring it. If we work now, this process can be greatly improved.
Did you hear that? The rules already stipulate diverse boards! From a Time article which picked up Reiss’s:
The fact is, the 1913 law creating the central bank was structured to avoid these conflicts. The Federal Reserve System is made up of 12 regional banks, each with nine board members — three of each of three “classes,” A, B, and C. Class A directors are to be from the banking industry and represent large, medium-size, and small banks. Both Class B and Class C directors are supposed to represent non-banking interests — labor, consumers, agriculture, and the like. But bankers select the Class B directors, and the governors of the Federal Reserve select the Class C members, in theory to help ensure their complete independence from the banking industry.
How well does the theory work? Take a look at the list of people on the NY Fed Board, in class C (ignoring classes A and B for now):
|
Lee C. Bollinger (bio) Chair, 2012 |
| Kathryn S. Wylde (bio) Deputy Chair, 2013 President and Chief Executive Officer Partnership for New York City |
| Emily K. Rafferty (bio), 2014 President The Metropolitan Museum of Art |
A bit of background on Kathryn Wylde can be found here, where she was quoted defending Wall Street and trying to shame someone else into doing the same; the article calls for her resignation from the NY Fed. All three of them: Lee Bollinger, Kathy Wylde, and Emily Rafferty, are professional fundraisers. Which means they grovel at the feet of rich people (read: bankers) for a living. This is not the definition of representing “non-banking interests — labor, consumers, agriculture, and the like” I would come up with. In fact if I came up with a definition, there’d be a “no ass-kissing” stipulation.
Is this a problem just for the NY Fed? And why is it happening? According to Reiss:
Dodd-Frank commissioned a study of the bank boards of directors by the GAO. They found in 2010 of the 108 directors, only 5 represented consumers. Agriculture and food processing was better represented. Curiously, the GAO says that several reserve banks said it was “challenging” to find qualified consumer representatives who are interested in these positions. They attributed this to low pay (relative to corporate boards), restrictions on political activity and the requirement that they divest themselves of bank stock holdings. But I find it hard to believe that is the problem.
This is where you come in.
Reiss wants you to nominate qualified people for the local Fed Boards. He’ll compile the list and send them on to the reserve banks, since they seem to be having trouble finding qualified consumer advocates (for whatever reason they are only friends with rich bankers and their fans).
Some good news, the turnover is pretty high: the terms are three years, staggered, which means all 12 Fed Banks make 3 new appointments every year, and by custom nobody serves more than 2 terms. That means that within 6 years we could have a fairly representative board in each Fed if we do this right.
Tweet your nomination to the hashtag #OpenFed.
Jamie Dimon gets a happy ending massage at Banking Committee hearing
Do you guys remember how last week the #OWS Alternative Banking group, along with Occupy the SEC, wrote up some questions for Jamie Dimon, the CEO of JP Morgan Chase?
Yves Smith also posted those Alt Banking questions on Naked Capitalism, along with some commentary about the senators who were expected to be asking questions of Dimon. Among other things, she mentioned their connections to Wall Street money:
…this is likely to be at most a ritual roughing up. First, the hearing is only two hours, and that includes the usual pontificating at the start of the session. By contrast, Goldman executives were raked over the coals for 10 hours over their dubious collateralized debt obligations. The comparatively easy treatment is no doubt related to the fact that JP Morgan is a major contributor to the five most senior committee members. Per American Banker:
JPMorgan is Banking Committee Chairman Tim Johnson’s second-largest contributor over the last two-plus decades, according to the Center for Responsive Politics, which analyzes campaign giving from companies’ employees and their political action committees since 1989. The same is true for the committee’s top Republican, Sen. Richard Shelby, and its second-ranking Democrat, Sen. Jack Reed.
The committee’s number-two Republican, Sen. Mike Crapo, and its third-ranking Democrat, Sen. Charles Schumer, are not far behind their colleagues, with JPMorgan ranking third and fourth, respectively, among their contributors.
Second is that the format of these hearings, with each Senator getting only five minutes each per witness, makes it difficult for a questioner to pin an evasive or clever witness. It won’t be hard for Dimon to either run out the clock or bamboozle his interrogators. But he might, as he did in his hastily-called press conference announcing the losses, make more admissions to the effect that he and senior management weren’t on top of what the group was doing. That would support the notion that JP Morgan’s risk controls were inadequate, which would mean that Dimon’s Sarbanes Oxley certification for 2011, and potentially earlier years, was false.
Who wants to know what actually happened? To find out, go read Matt Taibbi’s Rolling Stones excellent article on the hearing, which is very much in line with what Yves predicted. One of my favorite lines from the article:
This is a guy who just committed a massive blunder with federally-insured money, a guy who is here answering questions because his company, at his direction, clearly and intentionally violated the spirit of the Volcker rule, and these clowns on the Banking Committee are asking Dimon for advice on how to write the rule! It was incredible. Can you imagine senators asking the captain of the Exxon Valdez what his ideas are for new shipping safety regulations – and taking him seriously when he says he doesn’t think they’re a good idea?
Questions for Jamie Dimon
Jamie Dimon is meeting with Congress today. Occupy the SEC and the Alternative Banking Working Group jointly wrote a bunch of questions for the Senators to ask him. Please read the letter and some interesting facts about the Senators scheduled to talk to Dimon today on this Naked Capitalism post.
I don’t trust politicians more than I trust bankers
There are certain people who are obsessed with the way money is created in the U.S. – I call them “money creationists”. Some of these people are friends of mine from Occupy, and I really enjoy and like them.
But I don’t agree with them, and here’s why. Because I don’t trust politicians more than I trust bankers. I mean, don’t get me wrong, I don’t trust bankers. But I really don’t trust politicians.
The reason this comparison comes up is this. The way money is created through the Fed lending window is described here, in an article that could have been written by my friends, although I don’t think I’ve met Gar. Pay attention to the following concept which the writer is proposing:
Why, you might ask, doesn’t the Federal Reserve Board simply “create” money (as it does all the time) and lend it at 0.75 percent to the government (rather than let the banks do it) to pay for important public goods and to settle its debts? (Our bridges are falling down; not a bad thing in which to invest.)
As soon as I hear this I think, holy fuck let’s not even go there! The image of unlimited cash machines directly bankrolling the whims of Congress is just too much. But wait, here’s where the money-creationists get really confused – they give themselves away in fact:
… if a “public bank” were set up that operates just the way private banks are run today, including making profits for the owners – who in this case would obviously be the public – i.e. the government.
What? When was the last time the public is the same thing as the government? In this universe, for whatever reason, politicians have been wished away and all we have left are well-meaning would-be bridge builders facing off against evil venal bankers. But that’s not the world I live in.
To my money-creationist friends: there are stewards of the government, and they’re called politicians, and they love money. They are just as corrupt as bankers. It’s not a good idea to give them a printing press. Let’s instead think of a way to persuade them to require reasonable capital requirements of the banks so they don’t get to do crazy shit, if they can get their hands off of financial lobbyist money for more than fifteen minutes.
Personal Democracy Hackathon today
This Morning I’m going to the CUNY Graduate School of Journalism to pitch the Credit Union Findr Webapp to a bunch of developers at today’s Personal Democracy Hackathon. Hopefully they’ll be interested enough to work on our geo-problem of credit union eligibility, namely taking in an address and finding the credit unions you become eligible for through your address. All open source of course.
Update: We’ve got two teams working, one on our webpage and our geo-locator project. Woohoo!



